^{page 374 note 1} There are also indications of a faint Latin tradition in non-biblical documents.

^{page 374 note 2} Papyrus Bodmer XIV, publié par Victor Martin et Rodolphe Kasser, Bibliotheca: Bodmeriana, 1961.

^{page 374 note 3} He is mentioned three times in the pericope, vv. 19, 21 and 22, each one of which presented the scribe of ⁷⁵ an opportunity to use the proper name. It is just possible that he originally did in v. 21, where the eight letters of πλουσıου are written over an illegible erasure and crowded into the normal space of five or six letters. But the (the bar does not rest upon the uprights) is abnormal and appears to be the repair of the original initial letter rather than a wholly new one. Judging from the published facsimile (p. 45) it could very well have been an . If it was, (or , if inflected) would just fill the space. Verse 22 has simply; πλοσıος. Lazarus also, though mentioned four times by name, is once simply πτωχσ (v. 22) even after his name has been given.

^{page 375 note 1} All three in Stories of the High Priests of Memphis (Oxford, 1900).

^{page 375 note 2} 4th edition, Paris, n.d. (1911?).

^{page 376 note 1} ‘Son of Osiris’ (Griffith, p. 43), but it could just as well mean ‘Man-of-Osiris’; i.e. ‘Servant of Osiris’.

^{page 376 note 2} See Hans Bonnet, Reallexikon der Ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte, p. 336. From a Middle-Kingdom text: ‘I kept ever before me that I should come to the god on the day of my death.’ ‘Ich hielt mir bewußt, daß ich zu dem Gotte gelangen würde am Tage meines Todes’ (the text in Griffith, Siut, pl. 6, 1. 267).

^{page 376 note 3} twsh.t, ‘hall, courtyard’, Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, pp. 494, 562.

^{page 378 note 1} See Bonnet, Totenschiff, pp. 831 ff.

^{page 378 note 2} Mercer, S. A. B., The Religion of Ancient Egypt (London, 1949).Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 1} Augustine is painfully aware that before Christ's descensus ad inferos Abraham should be with all the other patriarchs and prophets in Hades. ‘Sed quonam modo intelligatur Abraham, in cujus sinum pius (!) etiam pauper ille susceptus est, in illis fuisse doloribus, ego quidem non video: explicant fortasse qui possunt.’ Letter to Evodius, Migne 33, p. 711.

On the other hand a fragment of a nameless Egyptian apocryphal gospel (Evelyn White, New Texts from the Monastery of St Macarius, p. 21) lets the Saviour promise the apostles that they shall execute judgement in Amnte, the Place of Judgement—a thoroughly Egyptian idea, superficially Christianized.

^{page 379 note 2} Jeremias, See in Kittel's Wörterbuch, I, p. 655, l. 41.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 3} Sahidic . Άıδης is always so translated in Sah. N.T. (without v.l.). Γεννα is never so rendered, but is simply transliterated (variants only as to spelling).

^{page 379 note 4} Billerbeck, Notably, II, p. 231; Charles, Pseudepigrapha, p. 203; Cumont, The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism (1911), p. 239 n. 90 for p. 102. (= Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain (1906).)Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 5} Both Coptic and the etymologically unrelated Egyptian ḫse.t.

^{page 379 note 6} Demotic wshḫ.t.

^{page 380 note 1} No. 589; cf. Bonnet, p. 571.

^{page 380 note 2} Mercer, , The Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 331. Cf. Sah. ; by coincidence this same adjective-verb is used in S.-B. to render καταψχω in Luke xvi. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 3} cxxv. 44 Budge's 1901 transl. of the (Theban) Book of the Dead; cf. also cxxii. 7.

^{page 380 note 4} Inscriptions Graecae consilio et auctoritate Academiae Litterarum Regiae Borussicae, XIV (Kaibel, Inscriptions Italiae et Siciliae), 1488, 1705, 1782, 1842; cf. 658. Also Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, VI, 3, 20616. Cumont, see above, p. 379 n. 4.

^{page 380 note 5} Cf. Windisch: ‘De eschatologische voorstellingen die in de evangelische parabel voorkomen zijn noch specifiek christelijk, noch joodsch van oorsprung, maar egyptisch; alleen is in de plaats van, Osiris Abraham komen staan.’ ‘Strekking en Echtheid der Lazarus-Parabel’, Nieuw Theol. Tijdschrift, XIV (1925), 343–60.

^{page 380 note 6} Svensk Exegetisk Årsbok, I (1936), 81 n. 21: ‘Abraham tänkes naturligtvis som Gods sprakrör.’Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 1} , or something of the sort, would express it in Coptic.

^{page 381 note 2} Shenoute in a titleless sermon or tract (Amrélineau, Æuvres de Schenoudi, II, fascicule III, pp. 365 and 367) at least twice mentions Ninivē by name quite as if every reader knew that was his name—as he doubtless did from the Sah. translation. The first time it is spelled (p. 365), the second , probably a scribal error of the eye. Other Sahidic homilies also contain the name; for example, British Museum MS. Or. 3581 A (55) contains it twice in dependence upon Luke. Another MS. (Zoega, p. 588), one which Zoega only excerpted and did not copy out in full, mentions in torment in Amnte. Only one Bohairic text (a homily edited by Evelyn White, New Coptic Texts from the Monastery of St Macarius, p. 189) seems to be known to contain the name. Here the name occurs twice, apparently in the form (both times White writes ; the last letter of the name is unclear—but there is a letter there), the very form required as the ancestor of Bodmer XIV's .

^{page 381 note 3} The corrector of Homer's fragment 91 (= MS. 129.9, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris).

^{page 381 note 4} See Journ. Egyptian Archeology, XI, 245 and Crum 227 b.

^{page 381 note 5} in a Greek-lettered Demotic magical papyrus.

^{page 381 note 6} The spelling with may be due only to a special proneness of F. to confuse and (Crum, p. 66), perhaps indicating less discrimination between them in pronunciation in that dialect.

^{page 381 note 7} As to formation, compare German niemand = n (negative) +jemand. As to such a name in folk-literature, recall Odysseus' invention of a pseudonym for himself in the Cyclops' cave (Odyssey IX. 366, 408–60): , Nobody. In ancient times the meaning and the humour in the name were transparent, as the many literary allusions to it indicate, but in Byzantine times Photius could solemnly declare it a nickname of Odysseus because he had big ears ()! German has many folk-expressions involving Sankt Nimmer or Nimmerlein which apparently go back to a serious thirteenth-century ‘Sermo de Sancto Nemine’ (see Archiv für Literatur und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, IX, 330 ff.). Cf. the proverb, ‘Der liebe Niemand ist an allem Schuld’ — ‘Mr Nobody gets the blame for everything’ (K. Simrock, Sprichwörter, no. 407).

^{page 382 note 1} Perhaps by simple haplography: —after writing the first his eye jumped over the second .

^{page 382 note 2} Priscillian, Tract IX (ed. Scheps, p. 91).

^{page 382 note 3} De pascha computus XVII (ed. Hartel, III, p. 265).

^{page 382 note 4} A marginal note on a thirteenth-century MS. of the ‘Aurora’ by Peter of Riga gives him the name Amonofis, probably a late echo of Amenophis. This was the name of several ancient Pharaohs and of a divinized hero, a highly inappropriate name to bestow upon the damned rich man. It probably was set down only because it had Egyptian flavour, but even that suggests that the scholiast had some inkling of an Egyptian aroma about Luke's story.

^{page 382 note 5} Though a Bohairic non-biblical fragment contains it twice, spelled . See H. G. Evelyn White, The Monasteries of Wadi'n Natroun, I, 189, 1. 8.

^{page 382 note 6} Hennecke's Ntl. Apokryphen, 2nd ed. p. 79. ‘Da das Lazarusmotiv auch außerhalb des Lk-Gleichnisses behandelt worden ist, so mögen die Namen Lazarus und Finees oder ähnlich klingende fremdländische in solchen Parallelerzählungen zu Hause sein.’

^{page 382 note 7} Cf. H. J. Cadbury: ‘This suggests that the names found in Christian tradition were retained or later added from the version of the story current in Jewish or Egyptian parallels.’ That is just what I think happened: ‘Lazarus’ and ‘Abraham’ retained from the (secondary) Jewish form of the tradition, ‘Ninive’ later restored from Egyptian tradition, but all three names ultimately Egyptian (one by translation, one by substitution, one by direct tradition).